The Ulama are Muslim scholars trained in Islam and Islamic law who are the interpreters of Islam’s sciences, doctrines and laws.  The Philippine Council for Islam and Democracy (PCID) and the Magbassa Kita Foundation, Inc (MKFI) are responsible for organizing the summit, with the support of the Embassies of the United Kingdom and the Netherlands.

The ulama elected 14, coming from the different sectors of the Muslim communities, to the 15-member interim board of trustees. The PCID has been given the 15th seat on the Board.

Those elected to the board of NUCP included: Dr. Hamid Barra from Marawi City, Dr. Abhoulkhair Tarason from Basilan, Sulu Mufti Sharif Jul Asiri Abirin, Tawi-Tawi Mufti Abdulwahid Inju, Aleem Abdul Majid Said from Cebu, Aleem Ahmad Darping Nooh from Davao, Dr. Abdussalam Disomimba from Lanao del Norte, Prof. Moner Bajunaid from General Santos City, Shari’a Court Judge Aboali Cali from Marawi City, Aleem Jaafar Ali from Cotabato City, Aleem Abdulhadi Daguit from Manila, Bro. Hassan Garcia from the Balik Islam community, Ustadza Albaya Badrodin and Aleema Khadijah Mutilan from the Aleemat (Muslim women religious scholars). Former Senator Santanina Rasul, Chair of MKFI and Advisor of the PCID, was given the honor of occupying the 15th seat.

The newly elected officers of the NUCP interim board are scheduled to meet and elect from among themselves a chairperson, a vice-chairperson and a secretary general. They are expected to set into motion plans that will empower Muslim religious scholars to provide leadership to Muslim communities in terms of peace and development.

The approval of the bylaws and the election of the members of the interim board came after a series of regional consultations held in Zamboanga City, Cagayan de Oro City, Manila and Sarangani province culminating the 2nd Ulama Summit in Quezon City.

Opening Ceremonies

The summit of Muslim religious leaders opened Monday night with dinner ceremonies attended by the Ulama, representatives of the diplomatic corps, government officials and other guests. Senator Aquilino Pimentel, Jr., GRP Peace Panel Chair Ambassador Rafael Seguis, Court of Appeals Justice Hakim Abdulwahid, Defense Undersecretary Ernesto Carolina, Ambassador Robert Gerard Brinks of the Netherlands Embassy and Mr. Chris Wright of the British Embassy were among those who attended.

PCID lead convenor Amina Rasul, in her welcome remarks, stated that it is important for the ulama to come together because “In today’s world, society demands a wider and more participative role of the ulama, that they get involved directly in the transformation or reformation process. Our societal problems today can no longer be solved by the formulation of a fatwa alone”.

The Secretary General of Nadhlatul Ulama Dr. Endang Turmudi gave the opening keynote address. He argued that as Islam continues to spread globally, it becomes incumbent upon all Muslims “to review and put in an appropriate way” their relationship with their fellow Muslims and with people of other religions as well. He also urged the Ulama to lead in the effort to inform the whole world that the “violence done by Muslims or those who acknowledge themselves as Muslims is not derived from the doctrine of Islam but from certain interpretations affected by the political situations surrounding them.” Nadhlatul Ulama is considered as one of the largest independent Islamic organizations in the world with estimates of their membership ranging as high as 40 million.

Engage the Changing World

The summit also featured Muslim academics from Australia and Britain. Dr Abdullah Saeed who holds the Sultan of Oman Professorial Chair of Arab and Islamic Studies at the University of Melbourne, argued that while the Ulama need to be versed in the classical tradition of Islam they also need to understand the contours of the changing world so they can lead their people in addressing the challenges faced by Muslims in the modern world. Dr. Hisham Hellyer, a British Muslim who is currently a Principal Research Fellow at the International Institute of Advanced Islamic Studies in Malaysia, emphasized the great and noble role of the Ulama but noted that the Ulama should gain the respect and acceptance of the people noting that the loss of religious authority will negatively impact the world at large. He also urged Muslims “to critically
engage in the changing world”.

Peace and Development Sessions

In the morning of January 29, the summit will feature sessions with some members of the international donor community doing work in Mindanao. Expected to address the Ulama and discuss possible areas of collaboration with the new Ulama organization are US Ambassador Kristie Kenney, European Union Ambassador Alistair Macdonald and Australian embassy’s deputy head of mission Mr. Stephen Scott.

The afternoon session will feature a workshop on electoral reforms with Parish Pastoral Council for Responsible Voting (PPCRV) Chair Ambassador Henrietta de Villa, former COMELEC Commissioner Mehol Sadain, and former Human Rights Commissioner Nasser Marohomsalic. Former President Fidel Ramos is scheduled to lead the officers of the NUCP in their oath taking during the closing dinner ceremonies on January 29.

The historic event is the culmination of the formation of the National Ulama Conference of the Philippine (NUCP) into the largest ulama collective in the country—a landmark event that signifies the formation of a CBCP-like conference of independent and imminent Muslim religious leaders for the Muslims in the Philippines. The initiative began 3 years ago, as part of the “Empowering the Ulama Project” implemented by the Philippine Council for Islam and Democracy and supported by the Magbassa Kita Foundation Inc, and the embassies of the United Kingdom and of Netherlands.  The program has also been supported by development organizations such as The Asia Foundation.

The summit will be attended by distinguished international Islamic scholars such as the representative of the Grand Mufti of Egypt, one of the most influential Islamic scholars and clerics in the world and  senior officials of Indonesia’s Nahdlatul Ulama and Muhammadiyah, the biggest Muslim religious organizations in the world.

Dignitaries from the diplomatic corps will also witness the historic event such as British Ambassador Stephen Lillie and Dutch Ambassador Robert Gerard Brinks, and representatives from the Saudi Arabian, Libyan and Indonesian embassies. It will also be attended by local officials such as Presidential Peace  Adviser Anabelle Abaya, Atty. Leila De Lima, chair of the Human Right Commission.

A press conference with the British Ambassador and the imminent speakers and other guests will be held from 3-4 p.m. on Jan. 25th at the Aguila Conference Hall. There will also be a lunch presscon for the distinguished guests to the Noor-us Salam Conference on Jan 24th , at the Aguila Conference Rm. And a third presscon with the newly elected NUCP Board of Trustees in a breakfast/presscon at around 7 a.m. on Jan 29 at the hotel restaurant/café.

For queries and details kindly contact Mr. Noel Luna (juaniyoluna@yahoo.com), or Mr. Reynald Trillana (trillana.reynald@gmail.com)

Young Muslims ended the year and brave 2010 with renewed hope after a traumatic incident in November 23 in their homeland where 57 individuals were massacred in Ampatuan town.

Convening in Davao City at the Commission on Audit Function Hall and Manila at the Asian Academy for Business and Computers for an innovative teleconferencing assembly last December 26-27, the Young Moro Professionals Network tackled the hard-hitting issues of the Muslim communities with the theme: “ONE MORO CONSCIOUSNESS“.

Photo Credit: Atty. John-Christopher T. Mahamud

It was the first time for YMPN to use virtual technology to broadcast its proceedings abroad where many of its members are based.

“It was very memorable for us to have prayed an Invocation together despite being in different places,” said GADDI Alawi, YMPN Convenor on Dawah, referring to a prayer led by the youngest attendee of the assembly broadcasted via skype.

Success stories of Young Moro leader professionals were presented in a part of the program called EXPO. Barangay Bongbong Councilor ABDUL Rasad Sawat of Compostela Valley shared the experience of leading the multi-awarded barangay where former MNLF rebels stayed in promoting health, sanitation and environmental protection using Islamic principles. The Values Transformation Program led to the barangay’s citizens adopting waste segregation and installing water pumps and toilets that led to the decreases in diseases such as diarrhea.

Muslim leaders extended felicitations. Former Sulu Governor Benjamin Loong said, “With so many challenges besetting our nation today especially in Muslim Mindanao, I am happy to know that the YMPN, a group Young Muslim Professionals from different provinces and tribes, are actively engaging various vital sectors in pursuancve the elusive peace and sustainable development in our region and ultimately  the country. I believe that the highly empowered  Muslim youth professionals must no longer be just spectators in our quest for peace and development but active participants.”

Veteran journalist Edd Usman wished the YMPN “succeed in its much needed  advocacy of peace, understanding, co-existence and harmony among Muslims and with the rest of the Filipinos. YMPN can help prevent this kind of Satanic struggle (in distorting the image of Islam) from reaching and rearing its ugly head on Philippine shore.”

Former GRP-MNLF peace negotiator Fr. ELiseo Mercado, Kusogmindanao convenor said “No doubt, they have a lot to learn from the wisdom, successes and failures of the generations that precede them. These collective experiences and the dynamism of the youth should provide platforms in charting a more pragmatic and enlightened road map to peace and development of Mindanao, in general and the Bangsamoro people, in particular.

From a ‘passing’ generation, allow me to remind the ‘successor’ generation that  while idealism is good, the fact remains that for any societal blueprint to be sustainable it must be undergirded by values like trust, inclusiveness, and consensus coupled by hard work. These are the values that are often missing in the equation.”

“I feel so glad to see young professionals gathered. This is a sign of hope for Mindanao and the whole country. Wish and pray your dreams will flourish and your efforts will bear fruit soon,” said Father Angel Calvo  of the  Peace Advocates of Zamboanga (PAZ) in Zamboanga City

YMPN Membership Convenor Samira Gutoc of the Al-Amanah Islamic Investment Bank of the Philippines  urged the young who were majority in number to make use of their education, identity and conscience to forward a resolution of the festering conflict in the Southern Philippines and discrimination Muslims face even outside the ARMM. Gutoc chaired the YMPN peace-building initiative called MINDANAO YOUTH SPEAK: PEACEBUILDING BY MORO PROFESSIONALS supported by The Asia Foundation ( now a member of the International Contact Group  of the GRP-MILF peacetalks) which engaged the MILF and MNLF in a dialogue to be published this 2010.

Rasid Ladiasan, Secretariat Head of the MILF Committee on Cessation of Hostilities, shared the good news that the peace process between the government and MILF moved forward after a year-long of fighting. However, he said that the ceasefire goal is so difficult. “What happens on the ground affects the peace process, thus the importance of the ceasefire mechanism.”

Ms. Rahanna Ganda, a representative from the Office of Muslim Affairs shared about the obstacles that their office faced. She said that the office was almost abolished but was happy to announce that will become the National Commission of Muslim Filipinos. From this experience, she said that our views on challenges defines us. We may see these challenges as obstacles or stepping stones. If we view these challenges as obstacles, it may become a problem for us. However, if we view these challenges as stepping stones, these will become an opportunity for us to achieve more and develop more. If we want to affect the lives of the people around us, we should lead by example.

Atty. John-Christopher T. Mahamud, legal consultant of the Davao City Government, talked about the on-going discrimination against the Muslim. He said that when there are crimes in the country, its always the Muslims who are blamed for it. In a Christian community dominated society, this has always been a problem. The challenge for the Moros of today is to change this image of Muslims in the present society to make it easier for the next generation of Muslims to get jobs easily in the future and live a peaceful life. He also asked the participant’s help and support them in their t-shirt project for the benefit of the Maguindanao Massacre. Proceeds of this project will help finance the legal needs of the victims.He said that in times like this, the Muslim community should be united  and bridge any gap between the community. If Muslims wants unity, it should start within themselves. It is important to attain unity within themselves before we seek unity between Christians and Muslims.

Jolly Lais  of the AMANA party-list updated the participants of the assembly on the political scene for a Moro Situationer. He stated that the number of registered voters in ARMM is 1.6M and 60% of this comes from Maguindanao and Lanao del Sur. There are 3.2 to 3.5M Muslim voters outside ARMM because of the migration patterns. Muslim’s migration patterns is due to the peace situation and other problems occurring in the area.

Last December 24, 2009, there’s a multi-sectoral consultation on the MILF-GRP Peace Process with a central theme “Work as a Nation, Think as a Nation and speak as a Nation, Let Us Rebuild a strong Moro Nation!” held at Plaza Tomas Cabili, Islamic City of Marawi.  “The Objective of this consultation is to keep our people informed on the updates of Peace process between the MILF and Government of the Republic of the Philippines.” says AGAKAHAN “BINLADEN” SHARIEF a member of the MILF-GRP Local Monitoring Team and also Chairperson of Ranaw Region Advocacy Group.

An estimated more than 8,000 participants marched at Plaza Cabili to attend the said consultation.

I wish i was there to be part and volunteer to work. This kind of consultation is part of rebuilding our Moro Nation. Any events related to Bangsamoro issue, may it a small gathering or meetings is important and will be part of our history to rebuild our nationhood. To be strong, lets start from small to build up the foundation of our dear Moro Nation.

I like the theme of their consultation. It inspire me.

As a peace advocate who has considered Muslim Mindanao as my second region (after Bicol), I join so many others in their shock at and condemnation of what is now called the Maguindanao Massacre of 23 November 2009, likewise in expressing sympathies for the close relatives and friends of those who were killed, especially two fellow human rights lawyers, and calling for speedy justice and other necessary measures of redress and reform.  There will never be enough words to describe this almost unbelievably depraved and inhuman incident.

A Philippine Problem

The Maguindanao Massacre has been rightly explained as the tragic, though rather extreme, consequence of the Philippine central government’s or the Arroyo administration’s well-known deliberate cultivation and patronage of the Ampatuan political warlord clan and dynasty as its main instrument  for political control in Maguindanao province, if not also the rest of the Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (ARMM).  Political control vis-à-vis political rivals or opponents of the Arroyo administration, and also vis-à-vis the main Moro rebel groups, notably the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) whose main provincial and ethnic base is Maguindanao.  Thus, the characterization by some analysts of the Ampatuan clan as “political entrepreneurs” who have become “Malacanang’s monster (or Frankenstein).”  This has been a symbiotic central-local axis of power, with mutual benefits also extending to wealth.  The analysts have situated such local warlordism, apparently becoming more voracious and brazen in its arrogance of power, in the context of a conversely ever-weakening Philippine state.

The Maguindanao Massacre has again brought to fore, but more shockingly, the weaknesses of Philippine governance in the ungovernable “Wild, Wild West” of Muslim Mindanao.  Among these weaknesses are “structural inequities in our political system, including control by an elite minority, traditional politicians and political dynasties, and enforcement of such control through private armies” – this itself already identified by the National Unification Commission (NUC) Consultations in 1992-93 as one of the root causes of the internal armed conflicts in the country.  The NUC then had specific recommendations to address these root causes, including for establishing a regime of good governance, upholding respect for people’s rights and improving the administration of justice, and establishment of a pluralistic political society.  But the ruling system has proven to be intractable and incorrigible to various on-and-off reform efforts.

And so, the heinous crime of political violence which is the Maguindanao Massacre is just the latest, though the most shocking, indictment of the Philippine political, electoral, security and justice system.  The most immediate call or challenge is for justice and against impunity.  Crime, esp. heinous crime, must be punished, but not necessarily with the restoration of the equally heinous death penalty.  A criminal justice system deals properly not only with the offended and the offending parties but also with the witnesses – without whom there is no case, no due process, no establishment of guilt beyond reasonable doubt. The willingness and safety of witnesses in the Maguindanao area in turn depend on a degree of protection, presumably mainly by the police, against threats to their lives from the private armies of the implicated political warlord clan there.  Not only these private armies but also the Maguindanao police and their official auxiliaries (Civilian Volunteer Organizations or CVOs) as well as those of the military (Special CAFGU Active Auxiliaries or SCAAs) are part of the problem.  Their dismantling and disarming (and not only those of the currently predominant Ampatuan clan) have become necessary to serve the ends not only of criminal justice and human security but also of the integrity of the coming 2010 electoral process – i.e. “ensuring free, orderly, honest, peaceful, and credible elections,” as constitutionally mandated.

But deputization of law enforcement agencies and instrumentalities for election duties will not be enough for the reform of the political and electoral system.  It again bears noting that the second of three principles of the comprehensive peace process, as formulated out of the NUC Consultations, is that “It seeks to establish a genuinely pluralistic society, where all individuals and groups are free to engage in peaceful competition for predominance of their political programs without fear, through the exercise of rights and liberties guaranteed by the Constitution, and where they may compete for political power through an electoral system that is free, fair and honest.”  In addition, as far as the Philippine National Police (PNP) and the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) to be deputized are concerned, there is also a great need for security sector reform.  In short, the jolt that has come with the Maguindanao Massacre might as well be taken as an impetus not only for more effective immediate and short-term measures but also for a more thorough-going strategic process of reform, if not overhaul, of nothing less than the whole state of Philippine politics and governance.

A Bangsamoro Problem

Thus far, we have dealt with only one level, which  we might call the Philippine problem.  Because the Maguindanao Massacre happened in Muslim Mindanao mainly between two Moro political clans, there is also the level of the Bangsamoro Problem – which the Mindanao Peace Process is supposed to solve.  This peace process, in grappling with the solution to the Bangsamoro Problem, should now consider local political warlordism of the Moro variety (which has its specific characteristics compared to the mainstream Filipino Christian variety) as part of that problem.  To put it more clearly or concretely, will it be any different or better under a future negotiated entity of Bangsamoro self-determination and self-governance?   What will be the internal political system in “a system of life and governance suitable and acceptable to the Bangsamoro people,” as “the end in view” sought by the MILF in the peace talks?   To the extent that the Government of the Republic of the Philippines (GRP) considers the Bangsamoro people as part of the Filipino people, that “internal political system” is a valid concern of the GRP which is constitutionally mandated to look after the welfare of its people.  Stated otherwise, why turn over partial sovereignty if this will mean throwing its people to the wolves?

So far, the main or key documents of the Mindanao Peace Process have not dealt specifically or concretely with Moro political warlordism, their private armies, intra-Moro political violence, clan grudge feuds called rido, and the “culture of the gun,” even though there have already been many incidents of intertwining or entanglement between the former and AFP-MILF armed hostilities.   In the initialed but unsigned and aborted Memorandum of Agreement on Ancestral Domain (MOA-AD), the closest reference might be the provision empowering the Bangsamoro Juridical Entity (BJE) to build, develop and maintain its own institutions — inclusive of electoral, police and internal security force, legal and judicial system — necessary for developing a progressive Bangsamoro society, the details of which are supposed to be discussed in the negotiation of the Comprehensive Compact.

This Comprehensive Compact is of course supposed to deal mainly with forging a better (because more just) structural relationship between the Philippine republic and the Bangsamoro people currently within this republic.  But this should not mean waiting for this to be achieved first – whether in the form of higher (than ARMM) autonomy, federalism, or associative relationship – before being clear enough (at least having a blueprint) about the key internal affairs of whatever Bangsamoro self-determinative entity.  It may in fact have to be the other way around, i.e. for all concerned (starting with the Bangsamoro people) to be fairly clear first about what we are getting into before getting into it.  One question is, can this unfinished peace process be a source of hope for the sort of problem manifested by the Maguindanao Massacre?

The finished 1996 Final Peace Agreement (FPA) between the GRP and the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF), and for that matter the supposedly implementing Organic Act for the ARMM, Republic Act No. 9054, likewise do not deal specifically or concretely enough with the afore-mentioned problems related to Moro political warlordism.  Their respective relevant provisions on the Special Regional Security Forces (SRSF) for the ARMM, presumably for the maintenance of public order and security there, have been a perennial bone of contention between the GRP and MNLF up to the currently ongoing tripartite review process regarding the FPA implementation.  But perhaps even more telling than the provisions is the practice as far as the helmsmanship of the ARMM is concerned.

Three successive extended terms of MNLF governorship (first no less than MNLF Chairman Prof. Nur Misuari, then his former foreign minister Dr. Parouk Hussin) over the ARMM has been characterized, among others, as a failure of leadership for autonomy, peace and development (without absolving the culpability of the central government which established a low-intensity autonomy in the first place with the 1987 Constitution).  And then this extended MNLF governorship could not prevent the eventual ascension of the traditional Moro political clan of the Ampatuans to the helm of the ARMM, but of course with the indispensible help of their friends in the Arroyo administration.  The ARMM has since become the Ampatuan Regime in Muslim Mindanao.   This kind of traditional Moro political leadership (just like the mainstream Filipino traditional politicians or “trapos”) and, sad to say, the failed MNLF leadership, do not at all inspire confidence as sources of hope for new and better politics and governance in Muslim Mindanao.

Yet, they somehow have to be part of the solution to the Bangsamoro problem.  Asec. Camilo Montesa of the Office of the Presidential Adviser on the Peace Process (OPAPP) has a good sense of this which he calls “1 Bangsamoro Challenge” (note rather than problem).  He says “We, in the Philippine government, are slowly moving towards the direction of a closer, integrated response to this single, yet multi-faceted, 1 Bangsamoro Challenge.  We cannot continue to deal with the MILF peace process, the MNLF peace process, the challenge to make ARMM work, and the threats posed by extremist groups like the JI and Abu Sayyaf as if they are separate and unrelated…. While we engage these groups differently, we want to engage them in view of all our other efforts across the other tables.  In the end, we are talking about the same people, the same aspirations, the same problems and probably the same solutions.”

Some Problems for the Peace Process

Assuming that the Philippine government or side, ever fractious especially with the coming “big bang” elections, can semi-miraculously get its act together, the other side of the coin which needs this, perhaps even more miraculously, is the Bangsamoro side.  The dynamics of division between the MNLF and MILF has not helped their presumably common cause for better self-determination for the Bangsamoro people.  On top of that, they have both been often opposed by the traditional Moro political leadership in the different provinces of the ARMM, not to mention the Christian majority provinces in the vicinity.  It is really more for the Bangsamoro side, rather than the Philippine government, to work on at least a critical level of intra-Moro unity.  Perhaps, independent Bangsamoro civil society organizations and the ulama can help this unity process, as they have already been helping the peace process.

The Maguindanao Massacre and the central government response to it, some of which has been asked for and lauded by certain Moro quarters, might also have some longer-term negative implications for Bangsamoro self-determination and the peace process.  The conceivable and possible end of Ampatuan dominance may be of only short-term benefit, especially for its political rivals – the Mangudadatu clan (already anointed by the Lakas-Kampi-CMD ruling party for the governorship of Maguindanao, but not yet the ARMM), and the MILF.  The central government’s coming in strongly, though a bit delayed, with a political, military and prosecutorial show of force to take control of the volatile Maguindanao situation was/is necessary in the immediate term from the point of view of preventing further lawless violence and asserting Philippine governance and some rule of law.  What in the recent past has been treated by the local people as militarization by AFP occupation forces is now probably seen by some of them as a welcome assurance of deterrence or protection against being caught in the crossfire of a dreaded all-out rido (if there was none before between the long-time allied Ampatuan and Mangudadatu clans, there certainly is basis for one now).

In the longer-term, what are the implications of all these for Bangsamoro self-determination and the peace process?  One is that it will probably take longer not just because of current attention to and tension in the political clan situation in the Maguindanao area, also with the election period still to come in 2010.  But also because of the more compelling need to tie together the various strands of the “1 Bangsamoro Challenge.”  It is now in the context of this larger challenge that a different interpretation or application should perhaps be made of recent visitor U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton’s advice to “strike while the iron is hot.”

Another longer-term negative implication of the Maguindanao Massacre and the central government’s necessary immediate taking control of the situation there is the question it raises about the merits of Bangsamoro self-determination and self-governance.  The political violence was essentially between two traditional Moro political clans, thus something intra-Moro, but which has had to take the central government to restore some law and order into the situation.  For some, even on the Bangsamoro side, it seems that what is needed is stronger central government control – the anti-thesis of Bangsamoro self-determination.  And if the central government can actually serve justice for the victims, which even the MILF is asking for, then this would be seen as a great service by the government to the Bangsamoro people.  Why then not stick with this system of justice if it redeems itself in the Maguindanao Massacre case?

The Maguindanao Massacre can only reinforce the centuries-old anti-Moro bias of the mainstream Filipino Christian majority, which bias has consistently been behind their often knee-jerk opposition to any better Bangsamoro self-determination.  The majority will see mainly the two antagonist Moro clans of the Ampatuans and the Mangudadatus, as well as the many Christian journalist victims.  They will not see who has long protected the Ampatuans and the other warlords, who has armed them, who has tolerated their abuses, and who has imposed them on the Bangsamoro people.  Not only the “Satanic” Ampatuans but the entire Bangsamoro people, those “terrible Moros,” will be demonized by the Filipino majority and the aggrieved media.   Only Moros can counter-act whatever unfair image of them, and it will have to be by deeds more than by words.  One Moro friend has said, “The best the Moro can do is to face the consequence of this heinous political crime.”

These are times that call for Bangsamoro statesmanship as they also call for Filipino statesmanship.  The latter is definitely not shown by those Filipino candidates for high office (from Senator up) who immediately opportunistically took advantage of the Maguindanao Massacre to project their political party (clue:  they were among the most vocal against the MOA-AD).  The MILF for its part took the opportunity to somewhat awkwardly call attention to the actually more heinous massacres of thousands of Moros by Philippine state forces like the Palimbang, Patikul, Pata, Manili, Kauswagan and Magsaysay Massacres for which justice has not been served to this day.  So, perhaps one critical question in all these is, who can better serve justice?

The MILF may not be in a position to serve justice in the Maguindanao Massacre case where the main protagonists are not under its “jurisdiction.”  But the MILF certainly has several recent cases under its jurisdiction, particularly its 102nd, 103rd and 105th base commanders whom it had acknowledged to have committed unsanctioned indignation attacks against Christian civilian communities in Central Mindanao in August 2008, and more recently its 113th base commander being implicated in the kidnapping of Irish priest Fr. Michael Sinnott last October.  The MILF has yet to show convincingly, transparently and accountably that its own criminal or military justice system has served justice or even military discipline in these cases.  When we often speak of “peace based on justice,” this could very well be one concrete application of this principle.  The side that can and does act with justice, in both the criminal and political realms, must be the source of hope. #

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Santos is a Bicolano human rights and IHL lawyer; a peace advocate, researcher and writer; and the co-author of a forthcoming early 2010 book Primed and Purposeful: Armed Groups and Human Security Efforts in the Philippines to be co-published by his South-South Network (SSN) for Non-State Armed Group Engagement (www.southsouthnetwork.com).

Tamano, the first Filipino Muslim scholar-graduate of Harvard Law School and President of Pamantasan ng Lungsod ng Maynila, is a senatorial candidate under the Nacionalista Party.

In a handwritten personal note to Tamano dated December 9, 2009, Padilla wished the young lawyer and former opposition spokesperson well in his political journey.

“May Allah guide you and give you success,” the note read.

Tamano, for his part, expressed his gratitude to Padilla’s show of support.

“I am extremely grateful to Robin for his trust and confidence,” Tamano said.

“Rest assured that I will continue to protect not only the rights of our fellow Muslims but of all Filipinos. Hopefully, if I get the privilege to serve in the Senate, I will help foster peace and acceptance,” Tamano underscored.

Recently, Misuari virtually endorsed Tamano before hundreds of MNLF commanders and leaders when he invited the latter to be the guest of honor during the 5th Bangsamoro National Assembly. Tamano was the only national politician allowed to attend the event.

Atty. Adel Tamano, a proud member of the Bangsamoro, was Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF) Chairman Nur Misuari’s special guest during the 5th National Bangsamoro Consultative Assembly at Sibugay, Mindanao Saturday, December 12, 2009. Tamano encouraged the MNLF commanders to follow the path taken by Misuari, himself a former rebel, and struggle for justice for the Moro people by using only peaceful and democratic means. He also expressed his belief that no challenge against the Bangsamoros would not be overcome if all Muslim tribes would unite for the Moro cause.

And may our sacrifices this Ramadhan will be accepted and our search for peace and freedom will be granted. Ameen.

Ako ay isang Filipino na nangungusap ng Bangsa Moro. Lagi ko itong inilalahad sa tuwing may magtatanong sa akin tungkol sa napanood nilang dula ko. Malinaw sa akin ito at hindi ako magbabalat-kayo. Minsan sa ganitong perspektibo nakakakuha ako ng hindi kaaya-ayang reaksiyon – sa Moro man o kapwa Filipino na nasa aking harapan. ‘Bakit iba ba ang Moro sa Filipino? Hindi ba sila ang ‘Filipino Muslim?”

Mabuti na lamang mahaba ang aking pasensiya sa mga ganitong sitwasyon, dahil maging ako man noong una kong narinig na ‘iba ang Moro sa Filipino’ sa anibersaryo ng Jabidah Massacre sa Corregidor, Bataan ilang taon na ang nakararaan ay hindi rin naging kumportable. Isa itong perspektibo na inilatag sa aking harapan at nagtulak sa aking lakbayin papaloob ang aking sarili. Nagkaroon din ako ng maraming mga tanong na minsan nga, sa pinakamalalim na bahagi ng aking pagkatao ay kinatatakutan kong malaman ang sagot.

‘Iba ang Moro sa Filipino’ – napakagandang perspektibo dahil winawasak nito ang lahat-lahat na itinuro sa akin sa paaralan, ang padron ng pag-iisip sa kung paano ko titimbangin at huhusgahan ang aking daigdig, padron na nilikha ng kolektibang kamalayan sa aking lipunan, ng aking kasaysayan. Hindi ito mahirap tanggapin dahil sa bansang ito na pinatatakbo ng hindi maturol-turol na mga multo at kasinungalingan sa aking kasaysayan, mas mabuti nang laging walang tatanggapin kaysa may isang palaging panghahawakang katotohanan..

Binalikan ko ang kasaysayan at binuksan ko aking mga mga tenga sa kuwento ng mga Moro na masasalubong sa daan, makakasama sa opisina, kahuntahan sa mahahabang biyahe sa bus at mga bagong naging kaibigan. May ‘Moro’ na pala bago nabuo ‘Filipino’. May mga kuwento na hanggang ngayon pilit pa ring itinatago sa daigdig dahil sadyang mahirap tanggapin halimbawa ang Tacub Massacre sa Kauswagan, Lanao del Norte. Na puwede ka palang mamuhay sa dikriminasyon at marginalisasyon habang tahimik na nakamata ang daigdig sa iyong sitwasyon tulad ng mga Meranao sa Lanao del Norte. Na nabubuhay pala ako sa isang lipunan na tila national pastime (kasunod ng boksing, pulitika, showbiz) na ng sambayanan ang pumatay ng Muslim. Na maraming perspektibo ang sinusupil at patuloy na pinatatahimik dahil mahirap silang tanggapin.

Marami palang perspektibo na hindi nakarating sa akin. Masyado sigurong malayo ang Maynila sa Mindanao o di kaya’y masyadong matataas ang bakod ng mga unibersidad na aking pinasukan. Ngunit tulad ng responsibilidad na nais na ipataw ng Darangen ikuwento mo ng walang patid ang talambuhay ng iyong mga ninuno at bayan, ang kuwento ay ang bayan at ang bayan ay ang kuwento kaya dalawang silang bibitbitin mo sa gitna ng labanan. Wala kang iiwanang isa.

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Lahat tayo, sa mga Moro o sa Filipino man, ay naghahanap ng isang lipunan at masang kritikal. Isang lipunan na pinatatakbo ng mga ideya, damdamin, at pananampalataya. Isang lipunan na bukas sa sanlibo’t sandaang mga pananaw na kung hindi man umaayon ay nagtutunggalian sa isa’t isa. Lahat tayo naghahanap ng papasulong na kabihasnan dahil lahat tayo may perspektibo at walang maliw tayong naniniwala sa sangkatauhan.

May bigat sa akin ang halaga ng mga perspektibo dahil naniniwala ako sa sangkatauhan at mahalaga ang perspektibo sa aking pagsusulat at sa aking Sining. Naniniwala rin ako sa papasulong na kabihasnan at sa isang kritikal na lipunan at masa. Palagi ko ngang sinasabi na ang mismong pagpapalabas ng mga dula sa mga tanghalan ay isang payak na imbitasyon sa mga manonood sa isang bagong perspektibo. Hindi ito dula kung wala itong bagong perspektibo na ihahain sa mga manonood. Ang mga dula, kuwento, at alin mang uri ng masining na pagpapahayag, maging ito man ay dayunday performance sa pinakaliblib na pook na maiisip mo, ay mga uri ng imbitasyon sa mga perspektibo na nais nang pakawalan sa daigdig.

Kaya mabigat ang responsibilidad na pinapasan ng isang mandudula (o ng isang manunulat) sa kanyang lipunan at sa kanyang kabihasnan. Ito rin ang responsibilidad na ipinapapasan ng epikong Darangen sa kanyang mga mang-aawit, sa mga alagad ng Sining, sa mga manunulat at kuwentista ng ating bayan, at sa atin mismo: ikuwento natin nang walang patid ang talambuhay ng ating mga ninuno at ng ating mga bayan na may pagpapahalaga sa maratabat ng ating mga mahal sa buhay at sa atin mismong maratabat at sarili, na ang bayan ay ang kuwento at ang kuwento ay ang bayan kaya’t hinihikayat tayong huwag isuko hindi lamang ang ating mga bayan kundi ang ating mga kuwento, na ang Kagandahan ay ang kalayaan ng pag-iisip, ng mga salita ngunit kaakibat nito dapat ang pagpapahalaga sa sarili at sa kapakanan ng komunidad at nakararami.

Kaya sa mga oras na dinadalaw ako ng takot sa aking pagsusulat at nitong uri ng agam-agam ’sa mga oras ng di matiyak na misteryo ng Sining’ binabalikan ko ang Darangen at ang mga pundasyon kung saan nakatayo ang kanyang mga kuwento: malayang kamalayan at pagpapahayag, kritikal na lipunan, Kagandahan ng Buhay at ang kalayaan.

Ang Darangen ay isang matikas na torogan na nakatayo sa gilid ng daan na aking tinatahak na laging nagpapaalala sa akin na ang mga perspektibo na nagsasabi ng Katotohanan at Kagandahan ay nanatiling may saysay kahit sa loob ng ilang daang taon. Hindi ito papanaw dahil wala namang tutunguhin ang katauhan at kabihasnan kundi papasulong.

Kasing laki ng buhay ang mga perspektibong dala-dala ng Darangen dahil ang mismong epiko ay isa nang perspektibo, isa nang kabihasnan.

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Hindi lang minsan na kung nagugulat ako sa kasalukuyang ginagawa ng mga institusyon ng midya na pag-aari ng mayayamang pamilya, mga principalia, sa salita ni Dante Simbulan, kung paano nila tinuturuan ang taumbayan na kilalanin ang sarili sa punto-de-bista ng Nasyunalismong Filipino. Bayan ni Juan (‘Juan’ bilang katunog ng ‘one’ o ‘iisa’) ang bandera ng isang istasyon ng tv. Mga artista at showbiz personalities ang nagsasalita sa taumbayan kung ano ang kanilang nasyunalismo. Paano si Akbar, Norayda, Saliha sa Bayan ni Juan?

Sa komersiyal na ito na pagbibigay depinisyon sa Nasyunalismo maraming pespektibo ang nailalagay sa gilid.. Sila pa rin ang kumikita. Hindi pa rin nabibigyan ng sagot ang ilan sa pinakamahahalagang tanong sa bayan: Sa Nasyunalismong ito na ilang dekada nang niyayakap ng mga Filipino, sino mas nakinabang at patuloy na nakikibang?

Kaya naghahanap ako at sa aking mga akda sa kasalukuyan ng isang perspektibo kung paano ko titimbangin ang Nasyunalismong Filipino. At maari, sa ngayon, siguro mas mabuting tingnan ang Nasyunalismong Filipino sa punto-de-bista ng Bangsa Moro. Marami pa akong dapat na malaman at mahalaga sa kasalukuyan ay nakikita ko ang halaga nito sa aking buhay at aking mga gawain. Isang perspektibo para sa akin ang ‘Bangsa Moro.’ Para sa akin hindi lang ito pakikipagtunggali ng mga Moro sa isang politikal sa pagsasarili – mahalaga ito sa akin dahil isa itong pakikipagtunggali upang makamit ang kalayaan ng tao. Human freedom. Ang kapayapaan. ‘Walang kapayapaan kasi walang kalayaan.’ Kaya mahalaga ito sa akin bilang isang Filipino. Kaya mahalaga ito sa akin bilang isang alagad ng Sining. Bilang isang tao na niniwala sa perspektibo at sangkatauhan.

Si Braga ay isang propesyonal na manunulat para sa teatro base sa Cebu City.

Why i’m doing this?

• In search engine when you search for my wyzemoro blogs you will be redirected to a broken links. So all searches in the future from wyzemoro blogs will be forwarded here in Moro Herald with new links of its content/posts.
• I start wyzemoro as my nickname here in cyber world or internet and years pass by it became my branded name for my services. Almost all my post in wyzemoro blogs are too personal and non-business related. Moving the content somewhere is the right thing to do. I don’t want my personal advocacy affects my businesses nor services to my clients.
• My posts in Wyzemoro Blogs are mostly related to my advocacy of Bangsamoro to right to self-determination which this Moro Herald will serve and cater.

I will still maintain Wyzemoro Blogs but with new (from scratch) and more business oriented. Thus it will show updates of my new services and products in the futures.

Soon as im free, In the coming days or weeks the content will be migrated here. Hope the major search engines will not punish my content migration. hehe.